Portrait Gallery: Marie Thérèse Raphaëlle, Dauphine of France

Born as the daughter of Philip V of Spain and his consort, Elisabeth Farnese, Marie Thérèse Raphaëlle was married to Louis Ferdinand de Bourbon, Dauphin of France. Their marriage took place in 1745 as a part of the reconciliation between France and Spain made necessary by the abrupt return of Infanta Marie Anne Victoire to Spain. She was initially meant to have been the wife of Louis XV but her young age and the king's dire need for an heir resulted in the betrothal being broken up. Now, some twenty years later, the two families reunited with the marriage of Louis and Marie Thérèse Raphaëlle.

While this union proved remarkably happy, it would also prove to be very short. Finding herself to be pregnant, Marie Thérèse went into labour on 22 July 1746. Sadly, she would not survive the delivery and died at the age of 20.

1) Portrait of Marie Thérèse Raphaëlle a year before her death but after her wedding to Louis Ferdinand, that is in 1745. The portrait was painted by Daniel Klein the Younger.

2) Louis-Michel van Loo painted the young dauphine in 1745 in a white silk robe volante.

3) This portrait by Jacobo Amigoni shows Marie Thérèse Raphaëlle in a far simpler attire than the other two. Rather than the heavy diamond jewellery, the dauphine is adorned simply with a flower in her hair and a pearl earring.

4) Painted between 1729-1733 shows a very young Marie by Jean Ranc. Given that she was born in 1726, she would be between 3 and 6 years old here.

5) Another portrait by Louis-Michel van Loo, although this particular portrait is of an unknown date. Still, given the obviously young age of the sitter, it was likely painted while she was still in Spain.

6) While the exact time of this portrait is unknown there are several clues in the portrait itself. An ermine-trimmed cape with golden fleur-de-lis is draped over Marie Thérèse Raphaëlle's shoulder and she has a portrait of her husband in her bracelet - hence the portrait must have been painted after her wedding. This limits the time frame to 1745-46.

7) Yet another piece of work by van Loo, this is a very good example of an official state portrait. Decked out in fine jewels and once again draped in her adopted country's fleur-de-lis, Marie Thérèse Raphaëlle is otherwise dressed in heavy brocaded silk.

8) Jacopo Amigoni returned to depict the dauphine once again and repeated his remarkably simplistic style. The portrait is presumed to be of Marie Thérèse Raphaëlle and does have some similarities, notably the long, slim nose.

9) Louis Tocqué is behind this second version of a state portrait. Compared to the one by van Loo, Marie is depicted as having a wider face than in her other portraits.

10) This miniature was painted in 1744 after the style of van Loo but not by that artist himself. The portrait was likely made in connection with the betrothal of the young couple.

11) Detail of family portrait done in 1743. Marie Thérèse Raphaëlle was depicted next to her younger sister, Maria Antonia Fernanda. Louis-Michel van Loo was also behind this particular image.

12) Engraving of the short-lived dauphine which appears to have been made from the same sketch as the miniature in number 10 - but was likely drawn by another artist as the features are slightly different.

Portrait Gallery: Marie Antoinette: Archduchess & Dauphine

October 16th, marked the 227th anniversary of the execution of Marie Antoinette. In honour of her memory, this post focuses on the portraits of the ill-fated young woman who would one day become queen of France - and end her days on the scaffold.

Marie Antoinette was born on 2 November 1755 and became Dauphine of France upon her marriage to Louis Auguste on 16 May 1770. When negotiating her marriage, one of her strongest, physical characteristics was her flawless skin - described as a perfect mixture of milk and roses. Finally, she would ascend the throne on 10 May 1774. 

The Archduchess (1755-1769)

1) The very first image of the new-born girl whose life would end so tragically - the artist behind it is unknown but the large eyes are remarkably similar to later portraits of her.

2) One of the lesser known portraits of the very young Marie Antoinette, this aquarelle was the work of Johann Christoph von Reinsperger. 

3) The 7-year old archduchess was painted in this blue gown with pink/blue bows and pearly white laces by Jean-Étienne Liotard in 1762. The portrait clearly shows her remarkably slim waist - even for a child of her age. It would be that very waist that would make her unwilling to wear the rigid French corsets demanded by court etiquette at Versailles.

4) Liotard had a busy year in 1762 with the imperial Austrian family. Besides the first portrait mentioned, he made an entire series of the numerous children of Maria Theresia. This particular one shows Maria Antonia and looks remarkably different to the one he made of her earlier that year.

5) A sisterly portrait depicting Marie Antoinette (aged 8-9 and wearing pink) with her sister Marie Caroline (cut out, but wearing blue). The two were good friends despite their different natures - whereas the young Antonia was pliable and amiable, Carolina was far more headstrong and independent.

6) The imperial family of Austria was depicted by Martin van Meytens in 1764-65. As one of the youngest children, Antonia can be spotted almost in the background. The portrait above is a detail of the complete painting.

7) The style of this portrait by an anonymous artist is very different than any of the other portraits made of the young archduchess. Dating back to 1767, Marie was 12 years old when she was painted in this electric blue gown. 

8) One of the most famous portraits of the young Marie Antoinette, this one was also painted in 1767. It has generally been attributed to the court painter Martin van Meytens. However, despite being widely associated with Antoinette, the portrait has been the focus of some speculation. Some point out that it looks remarkably much like one of her sisters, particularly Maria Carolina.

9) Dressed up in suitably French fashion, this was the portrait sent to Louis Auguste in 1769, to give him a likeness of the girl who was to become his wife. It was painted by Joseph Ducreux.

10) For some reason, Marie Antoinette was often depicted wearing deep blue while still living at the Viennese court. This particular portrait was finished in 1769 by Franz Xavier Wagenschön and shows the young girl occupied with one of her favourite pastimes: music. This would be one of her last portraits painted as an Austrian archduchess as she would be married shortly afterwards. 

11) Another portrait by Ducreux, the young woman looks almost like a doll with her perfect porcelain skin and large, blue eyes. 

12) A slightly earlier portrait of the archduchess by Joseph Hauzinger who painted Marie in around 1765. Note how different the style of gown is to her French counterparts - it is far more simplistic in the skirt itself.

The Dauphine (1770- May 1774)

13) Joseph Ducreux would return to paint the new dauphine in 1770, shortly after her wedding. The result was the charming portrait of a young, refined girl in delicate pink ruffles. The royal ermine has discreetly been draped over her shoulder and the golden fleur-de-lis can just be spotted over the other - clearly marking her new allegiance. 

14) The inspiration for this portrait was the one above - hence the very similar facial expression and pose. The painter was Jean-Baptiste Charpentier the Elder who completed the portrait in 1770.

15) A far more masculine portrait is this by Joseph Kranzinger who painted the dauphine in 1772. Marie Antoinette wore a riding habit of red velvet and a black tricorne hat - the female riding habits of the time were basically male attire slightly altered to fit the female body. When she arrived at Versailles, Marie Antoinette did not know how to ride which proved an obstacle in her marriage and her position at court. The French court had always had a lasting love affair with hunting and her new husband was an ardent hunter himself. Thus, in an effort to get closer to him, the young dauphine learned to ride and sent this portrait to her mother.

16) Back in far more regal attire, this 1773 portrait by Drouais shows a young woman impeccably dressed according to French fashion: high, sleek hair, diamond-encrusted choker and intricate silk gown. The luxury is not a coincidence, as she is dressed in full court costume or grand habit. Later, this would be used as a reference for a tapestry made at Gobelins in 1775. The portrait is currently in the Victoria and Albert Museum.

17) Painted at the age of 16 by Joseph Kreutzinger in 1771. It is far more ethereal than the other portraits and she seems almost ghostly. Rather interestingly, at Versailles, Marie Antoinette was dressed far more in shades of pink than in the blue of her childhood.

18) Another portrait by Drouais, this one is of the very popular allegorical type. For centuries, the kings of France (and elsewhere) had themselves painted as various deities - this particular time, Marie Antoinette is Hebe, the goddess of youth. It was commissioned by Louis XV in 1772 and marked for his study at Chantilly alongside a portrait of the Comtesse de Provence as the goddess Diana. It remained there until the revolution.

Targeting: Louis XIV

Censorship was extremely strict in France during the old regime - particularly so during Louis XIV. Yet, even during the reign of the Sun King, defamatory pamphlets were printed abroad (usually in the Netherlands) and secretly imported. It was especially during the latter part of Louis XIV's reign that the absolute monarch came under increased scrutiny. Following decades of almost unbridled success abroad - both militarily and politically - France suffered several setbacks. This resulted in taunting from foreign powers as well as scathing criticism from within; albeit the latter had to be incredibly cautious since the penalties for lèse-majesté were severe.

Below you will find several of the pamphlets levelled against Louis XIV:

The Netherlands was a hotspot for anti-French sentiments due to the continued assaults on the territories by Louis XIV. During the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-14), a whole miniseries of caricatures were printed in the Netherlands of the French king. The pamphlet below depicts the king at the center of the sun with each ray describing a crime committed by the king - in both French and Dutch. There is some disagreement as to who created the design. Some sources name Carel Allard while others point to Romeyn de Hooghe. 

Romeyn de Hoogh was the mind behind the satire below. It is based on the oft-used allegory - which can be found within Versailles itself- of the king in a chariot surrounded by allegorical creatures and symbolism. However, unlike at Versailles, everything here is meant to insult rather than glorify the king. Instead of standing proudly in a warrior-like pose, the aging king is supported by crutches and his chariot itself is falling apart. The woman represents the evening star - and Madame de Maintenon. She is seen as outright directing the king's course towards the ferocious lion and eagle waiting ahead.

The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685) made Louis XIV an easy target for outside critique - especially from Protestant countries as well as Anglican England.  The hooded figure below depicts the king - represented by this signature sun emblem - with the sinister poem beneath:

"My sun shines brightly on the heretic; it chases away the mists of Calvin; not from a divine zeal; but for my fine politics to conceal". 

The authors were Cornelius Dusart and the publisher was Jacob Gole; the former was a Dutchman while the latter was the son of a Huguenot who had had to flee France during the persecution of the Protestants that followed the ever-increasing hostility issued from Versailles. 

The solar eclipse of 12 May 1706 was irresistible to Dutch engravers who saw the multitude of prints that could be made from the symbolism of the king's personal emblem, the sun. Again, Madame de Maintenon is featured - this time accompanied by Philip V of Spain (grandson of Louis XIV) - in a "conference" with the Sun King. The newly crowned king of Spain is begging his grandfather to let him return to France because the Spaniards are "wicked". He is apparently refused with the point of a hand above with "a multitude of miseries" is written.

The engraving beneath shows the king in a far more modest métier than what he usually was depicted in. Louis is depicted as the town-crier of Versailles, equipped with a bell and a dog. Behind him the battle of La Hogue. The list in his hand contains the names of the ships he lost during that particular naval engagement and which he now offered a reward for.

The king's private retreat of the Grand Trianon was mocked as being a den of scandal and the even more dreaded woe - female influence. In this Dutch engraving, a beleaguered Louis XIV is physically crushed by his mistresses while his male courtiers look on in astonishment. Meanwhile, the symbols of his absolute power has either fallen to the ground (the scepter) or is being used to further press him down. All three of his primary mistresses are represented: Madame de La Vallière, Madame de Montespan and Madame de Maintenon.

What is interesting from the caricatures above is that only the last one directly attacks Louis XIV's private life and his character. The vast majority of the focus is on politics - especially territorial disputes and downright war - which is hardly surprising considering that they were created by nationals of countries which the king had waged war on. As for the king's character, he is referred to as a man from whom flows a "multitude of miseries" and who is controlled by women. The latter, particularly, was seen as demeaning in the 17th and 18th centuries.

Yet, it is worth noticing that the king's person is otherwise left alone. His successors were subjected to far more openly lewd caricatures which more often than not directly attacks the physical appearance of the subject or perceived (or real) flaws. 

The Decline of Orlèans Power

Upon the death of Louis XIV the late king's nephew, Philippe II d'Orlèans, took power as regent for the child-king, Louis XV. Up until then, the Orlèans branch of the royal family had enjoyed little influence under the Sun King, despite their close proximity to the all-powerful monarch. Louis' own brother, Philippe, was never given any significant political power; his military prowess had likewise been forcibly limited on the king's orders. From early childhood, Philippe had been instilled with the dogma that his brother was the chosen one - he would be master, Philippe would not. Neither had the Sun King been particularly generous when it came to his young nephew, Philippe II, whom he would always regard with some distrust.

Philippe II's eight year tenure as Regent of France (1715-23) would prove to be the height of Orlèans-power. Once the young Louis XV celebrated his majority, the ci-devant regent was offered the post of prime minister but turned it down. Little could he have known that his successors would drift further and further away from power during the remainder of the Old Regime. But what happened to the Orlèans-family? 

Philippe I - brother of Louis XIV who was
kept completely in the king's shadow politically

Philippe II knew that he could not retain power forever - nor did he attempt to forcibly continue his hold on power after Louis XV's majority. Still, he could attempt to place his son and heir in a position of unequalled influence. Thus, from an early age Philippe II's son, Louis d'Orléans, was groomed for power. At just 15 years of age, he was admitted to the royal council. Further posts were showered upon him including the governorship of the Dauphiné and Colonel General of the Infantry. However, for all Philippe's planning, there was one thing he did not anticipate - Louis was not particularly politically astute.

Philippe II - the capable Regent

Philippe died in the same year that Louis XV reached his majority (1723). While the former regent himself declined the offer of prime minister, he might very well have expected the new king to offer it to his son instead. However, Louis XV named the Duc de Bourbon instead. Philippe might have been able to steer his cousin towards a more favourable offer for Louis. If he had such designs - which he likely did - he would never be able to act upon them. Philippe died in December 1723, leaving his 20 year old son to pave his own way in the treacherous world of Versailles politics.

 

The Duc de Bourbon was all too aware that Louis d'Orlèans was the obvious candidate for the post of prime minister and kept an eye on the young man. In an effort to protect his own interests, the Duc de Bourbon would often oppose Louis in political discussions. Meanwhile, Louis worked with the ministers serving as Secretaries of State for War. He would eventually occupy this post himself from 1723-30. Louis  might have been able to accrue more political influence if he had not decided to go against the Cardinal Dubois.

Cardinal Dubois had been prime minister during the regency and had gained the trust of Louis XV. Therefore, it was extremely unwise to make an enemy of the Cardinal who had all but free access to the impressionable king. Still, as one of the First Prince of the Blood, there were some advantages. For instance, Louis stood proxy for the king upon the king's marriage to Marie Leszczynska in 1725. 

From the 1730's, Louis' political influence grew increasingly weak. He was removed from his post of Colonel General of the Infantry in 1730; the degradation was the work of another cardinal, this time Cardinal Fleury. Despite his otherwise poor track record with men of the cloth, Louis was immensely devout. As his political life and influence dwindled, his religious fervour grew. While this earned him the respect of the equally devout Marie Leszczynska, it did little to advance his career at court.

The Palais-Royal in the mid-18th century - few
could have known that this former gift from the king
would become a centre of anti-royal propaganda

One particular reason for why Louis XV never granted his cousin special favours can be condensed in one word: suspicion. By the early 1730's the king had only one son - and an infant at that. Louis XV was well aware that should his own line produce no more sons, the crown would be inherited by his cousins, the Orlèans. He was therefore extremely wary of allowing his cousin too much power.

Such royal ill-will was unfortunately met with an apparent unwillingness on behalf of Louis d'Orlèans to engage actively in politics. So, on one side there was a king hesitating to grant too much and on the other, a cousin not interested in grasping for power himself. The result was a sort of stalemate in which neither party pushed in either direction. As a consequence, Louis d'Orlèans remained on the sidelines politically.

For Louis, the point-of-no-return came when he all but retired to a convent after 1740. While he retained his title, any political interference were out of the question. This would have been the time for Louis' own son, Louis Philippe I, could have stepped in and regained some of his family's former influence.

Louis d'Orlèans - the duke whose religious
fervour caused him to retire completely
from court

Louis Philippe could have become far closer to the crown by a wholly different route than politics: love. At the age of 15, he had fallen in love with Madame Henriette, daughter of Louis XV and Marie Leszczynska. Both he and his father, Louis, sought the king's permission to marry - and were refused. Once again, Louis XV's suspicion hampered the designs of the Orlèans. Louis XV was concerned that if Louis Philippe married his daughter, his new son-in-law could become a dangerous political rival. It should also be said that another ghost from his father's past played a significant part in derailing the matrimonial project. Cardinal Fleury was amongst those who advised the king against the marriage.

Rather than a royal princess, Louis Philippe married a royal cousin. Louise-Henriette de Bourbon-Conti was married to Louis Philippe in 1743. With little prospect of having any role to play at court, Louis Philippe turned to the army. Following several stints in 1742-44, he returned to France - but not to court. Rather than going back to Versailles, Louis Philippe settled in his country estate of the Château de Bagnolet; on occasion, he would travel to the Palais-Royal - the Orlèans-residence in Paris - but rarely went to court. 

Louise Henriette - wife of 
Louis Philippe I

The world of Versailles worked on the principle of "out of sight, out of mind". Anyone who were not seen by the king did not count as a political entity. Therefore, even when Louis Philippe inherited the title of Duc d'Orlèans in 1752, he had little to no influence. Furthermore, there were increasingly little physical space for the Orlèans-family at Versailles. The ever-expanding royal family meant that the apartments occupied by other branches of the Bourbon-family became ever smaller and further from the heart of the palace. Whereas Philippe d'Orlèans (brother of Louis XIV) had occupied the entire first floor of the Aile des Princes, his successor had four rooms of the first floor of the Aile du Nord by 1744; the Duc de Chartres (son of the Duc d'Orlèans) had another four immediately next to him.

Their living arrangements at court would deteriorate further as the royal family was augmented over the years. With the arrival of not just the Mesdames but the numerous children of the dauphin - and later their own wives and children - there simply was not room for the Duc d'Orlèans to have very much space.

Louis XV - and later Louis XVI - both encouraged their Orlèans cousin's taste for country life. Louis XV bestowed upon him the hôtel of Grand-Ferrare at Fontainebleau  as well as that of Duplessis-Châtillon in Paris. While Louis Philippe thoroughly enjoyed his country life, he once again found his family's marriage plans thwarted by the king. Louis Philippe had had the son Louis Philippe Joseph (better known as Louis Philippe II) by Louise Henriette de Bourbon-Conti.

Louis Philippe had intended to marry off his son to the Polish Maria Kunigunde, sister to Marie Josèphe of Saxony. However, Louis XV vetoed the match with the explanation that the 29 year old bride was too old. She was seven years older than the prospective husband - ironically, Marie Leszczynska had been exactly seven years older than Louis XV himself. Yet, it was thought that she would be too old to start having children - and of course, there was the matter of placing an Orlèans prince so close to the Polish throne.

Louis Philippe I - the Orlèans who found 
himself constantly thwarted by the king in his
marriage projects

Throughout his life, Louis Philippe I made one particular protest against the king's power. On 20 February 1756, he presented the king with a petition signed by no less than 4 princes of the blood and 24 dukes. The document was the culmination of several months' conflict which centered around the very essence of power. Besides the absolute power of the king, France was governed by the Parlements and the Great Council. The former dealt with the judiciary aspect of governing while the latter was far more ambiguous. The Great Council rested entirely on the prerogative on the king; its members were chosen and dismissed by him. As such, it was an instrument used to execute the king's command. 

In protest of the arbitrary power of the Council, the Parlements refused to register its decrees which effectually prevented the royal will from being carried out. They went even further by suggesting that the princes of the blood and the dukes should take their official places in the midst of the Parlement - thereby effectually challenging the king's authority. Naturally, the king forbade his high nobility to attend. While they obeyed, they drew up a petition expressing their displeasure at such a command. That was the very petition that Louis, Duc d'Orlèans delivered to Louis XV on that February day. 

Louis - already worn down by months of somewhat unexpected political opposition and turmoil - was immensely angered by the document. While nothing as yet came of the petition, it did nothing good to Louis Philippe d'Orlèans' political prospects.

By the time Louis Philippe II came into the world, his family's position was somewhat odd. Despite being one of the wealthiest and highest ranking in France, they had never had so little influence. After having fulfilled his military duties, Louis Philippe returned to France where he joined the court of the new king, Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette. However, Louis Philippe quickly clashed with the new queen which extinguished any hope of a political renaissance. The young Duc de Chartres had grown up with a nagging sense of jealousy of his royal cousin. He was convinced that his birth entitled him to a greater share of influence and grew to despise his all-powerful cousin, Louis Auguste.

Frustrated by his utter lack of influence, Louis Philippe began a campaign against not only the reigning king but the institution of the monarchy itself. His immense dislike of Marie Antoinette kept him well away from Versailles and he actively encouraged pamphleteers to use his Palais-Royal to issue their anti-royal propaganda. It was from his premises that some of the most vile things were written of the young queen; most of the common people eagerly believed the smear campaigns which heightened his own popularity.

Louis XVI initially preferred to leave his wayward cousin to his own devices but was forced to intervene when Louis Philippe openly challenged Louis XVI's authority before the Parlement de Paris in 1787. Consequently, the king exiled him which played perfectly into the hands of the propaganda machine supported by Orlèans gold.

Louis Philippe II - the duke who
voted for the king's death and allowed
the Palais-Royal to be a hotspot of
revolutionary activity

Louis Philippe was quick to realise that his way to popularity was to ally himself completely with the new ideals of a democratic government. He took the name Philippe-Égalité and used his immense resources to provide the emerging revolutionaries with both a safe haven and funds. One of the most astounding displays of treachery to his own family came in 1793 when the then-reigning Duc d'Orlèans voted for the execution of his cousin, the king.

The news of the Orlèans vote sent shockwaves through the staunch royalists. It had been no secret that Louis Philippe had done his utmost to undermine the authority of the monarchy; still, few had seriously considered that he would actively be involved with the king's death. Louis XVI himself expressed his great sorrow that his own cousin had betrayed him. Whether Louis Philippe actually intended to turn France into a democracy or saw himself as a new king will always be up for discussion.

In the end, all Louis Philippe's intrigues could not safe him from the shifting tides of the revolution. Just little over 11 months after the trial of Louis XVI, Louis Philippe found himself mounting the same steps to the guillotine. He was guillotined on 6 November 1793; his son - the newest Duc d'Orlèans - was in exile where he had turned his back on the revolutionary cause.

Thus, the family of Orlèans experienced a sharp decline in influence at the court of Versailles. It was a story that reached its climax (during the age of Versailles) with the regency and ended on the bloodied steps of the guillotine; it was also a tale of apathy, jealousy, intrigues and above all - power.

A historical postscript

After the revolution, the House of Orlèans experienced a brief resurgence in influence. The restoration of the monarchy under Louis XVIII (the former Comte de Provence), the relations between the Orlèans and the royal family continued its icy course. The new king had neither forgotten nor forgiven that the new Duc d'Orlèans' father had caused so much damage to the monarchy, going so far as to vote for the death of the king. As a consequence, Louis XVIII refused to formally grant Louis Philippe the rank of royal highness. It was not until the former Comte d'Artois ascended the throne as Charles X that this dignity was restored to Louis Philippe. He, however would experience even greater honours when he was made King of the French in 1830. However, he would be forced to abdicate in 1848.

Film Fashion: Jeanne Poisson, Marquise de Pompadour

This French movie depicts the life of Louis XV's most famous mistress: the Marquise de Pompadour. Released in the same year as Sofia Coppola's "Marie Antoinette" - 2006 - the movie stars Hélène de Fougerelles and Vincent Perez as the semi-royal couple. It is one of the few movies to include a depiction of Marie Leszczynska and her children by Louis XV which makes the movie quite interesting.

Marquise de Pompadour

An apple-green robe à la Française with yellow/orange details. On first look, the dress is not particularly special but upon a closer look, the details truly shows. Several ruffles edge the bodice as well as the overskirt's edges and matches the three attachments - one on the left side of the bodice and one on each sleeve. Rather than jewels, Hélène was styled with lace and silk ribbons around her neck - quite true to the real Pompadour's style.

If this gown had been turquoise rather than lavender, it would have been almost a complete replica of the one worn by the Marquise de Pompadour in her most famous portrait. As it is, the pink bows and matching ruffles were the very style favoured during the rococo-period - the bejewelled stomachers were only worn for special occasions. 

In a complete contrast to the other, more pastel-coloured gowns worn by Hélène as Jeanne Poisson, this robe à la Française was worn during a scene in which the new favourite is introduced to the queen. That might be why the fabric is much heavier, almost old-fashioned; as such, it could be seen as an effort to blend in with the tastes of the queen's elder entourage.

Besides the heavy golden/black brocade, the bodice is quite interesting. The embroidery's pattern is very unusual compared to what was usually seen at the time.

Another robe à la Française designed for the Marquise de Pompadour. This one in pale blue silk with small embroidered flowers and blue ruffles along the neckline and down the length of the bodice. The skirt is hardly seen but what can be peeked from beneath her arm it appears to continue in the same pattern.

This yellow set is interesting from a historical fashion point of view. A caraco is rarely seen in historical movies in quite this manner; usually they are made of a matching fabric to the skirt. While the black contrasts suits the colour well, it is a shame that they look a bit too modern - almost like something that could be found in a normal fabric-shop. Nevertheless, the fabric chosen for the caraco is very beautiful; a yellow silk brocade that gives an impression of luxury.

The straw hat is a very nice touch which the actual Pompadour herself wore on occasion; as is the case for the white neck-ruffles.

The left gown is very simple and worn before Jeanne Poisson was introduced to court. Such a gown would never have been seen at Versailles but corresponds to what bourgeoisie women would wear on an everyday basis. This is particularly emphasized by the complete lack of accessories - no ruffles, no bows, no pearls or gemstones.

The second gown is somewhat puzzling. It looks more like something from the 16th century with the way the sleeves are cut to reveal the chemise below. Furthermore, the machine-embroidered flowers on the bodice and the choice of what looks to be velvet gives the entire dress almost a Renaissance look - quite an odd choice for the woman who embodied rococo!

These last two gowns are good examples of fabric used for 18th century gowns; on the left, a blue/white chinoiserie fabric is a nice nod to the fascination with the Far East that was sweeping through Europe. The gown is rather simple in itself with no contrasting colours but the overall impression is of an impeccably clean and sophisticated lady.

The second is a far more classic floral pattern on a white background. The fabric looks more like a type of cotton or similar type of fabric. Again, the only ornaments are the white ruffles and a few buttons on the bodice. For women choosing to wear such a floral pattern there was one particular advantage: it could be matched with almost all colours. Blue, red, green are all found in the pattern which would allow for a more adjustable piece of clothing.

Louis XV

A yellow silk suit with a matching golden waistcoat in a damask-pattern, there is an echo of the yellow outfit worn by Madame de Pompadour above. The black details only add to the similarities; the king's black velvet tricorne hat is topped with white feathers and the black is again seen on the bow tying his perruque together.

The embroidery on the overcoat was a classic trait of menswear from the high-nobility during this point in time. Metal thread and even actual gemstones were used to create a more luxurious appearance - and of course, it would be hand-embroidered.

Again, the elaborate embroidery is the key factor of this coat. Silver thread with some gold thread interwoven in the fabric gives a shining effect to the sky-blue velvet. The coat was used on two different occasions in the movie - on the right photo, an order can be seen attached with a bright red fabric as well as the sky-blue sash of royalty.

On the left photo, the king wore a pink waistcoat embroidered with more silver - this time in emblem-patterns. As was the custom, his cravat can be seen sticking out at the neckline - generally, a gentleman's (even a king) cleanliness was judged by how clean his linen were.

Considering the pastel hues used as a matter-of-fact by the emerging rococo, this suit is remarkably dark. Dark blue silk makes up the foundation of the suit with burgundy embroidery and golden buttons. Although it is hard to see, the waistcoat is a deep red, almost scarlet silk with golden embroidery.

This is a good example of an outdoor coat - the design does not vary a lot from the coats worn by the men of the court during the latter years of Louis XIV. The large buttons and the leather-gloves indicates that the king wore this coat for hunting. The coat itself was made from blue silk with silver embroideries on it. The trousers appears to be pink.

Marie Lezczynska

A robe à la Française, this is the main gown worn by Marie Leszczynska in the series. The design corresponds well to the style of the actual queen which was often described as being rather conservative - some even called it "boring". However, the colour combination is certainly anything but. The greenly turquoise clash with the rusty burgundy - the overall impression is of a somewhat unfashionable gown. It is very likely that that was done on purpose.

Due to the monochrome colour scheme - presumably worn for a mourning scene - the gown is somewhat difficult to discern properly. Yet it appears to - again - be other simple with the sole ornaments being the two bows and ruffles along the outer skirt. But this might very well be due to the context the gown is worn in. During mourning periods, displays of jewels were prohibited.

This was the only photo I could find of this gown which looks far more in tune with the reigning fashions. The muted rode-tone of the brocade is feminine but the cut gives the gown a more matronly look - again, undoubtedly on purpose. Note, that the mauve ruffles appear to continue down the length of the gown and is matched by a bow on the bodice and two more - one on each sleeve.

Mesdames

Madame Adélaide is depicted wearing this robe à la Française in golden/beige brocade with coral details. The design chosen is far more in keeping with the emerging rococo style than the gown worn by her mother; the gown is overflowing with adornments: ruffles, elaborate embroidery on the bodice and lush silks.

The fabric used for the bodice is a tone brighter than the coral of the outer skirt. The result is that the wearer's pale complexion is highlighted.

In comparison to Madame Adélaide's gown, this one is very plain, primarily due to the choice of a single-coloured silk for the outer skirt and sleeves. The colour-scheme itself is not far from her "sister's" with the same golden and pink tones reappearing. The most dominating feature of the bodice is the somewhat large, embroidered bow with a jewel at the clasp in the centre.

Others

The gown was worn by a waiting-woman of Madame de Pompadour's which explains the plainer appearance of the design. The costume designer did a very good job at demonstrating the difference in class by the costumes. The fabric used for this particular gown appear to be of a poorer quality and while it does have ruffles, the overall impression is of a woman from a lower, social background.

The gentleman's suit follows the fashion trends for men quite well although both the overcoat and the waistcoat seems to be too big for him. Another thing is that the waistcoat would not usually hang like that. The embroidery is a good example of a man of quality - but lesser means - as it is of a rather limited scope but still in golden thread.

These three ladies also display a difference in class through their clothing. The right and left photo are both of the same woman - Madame de Pompadour's mother. It is clearly made for a bourgeoisie woman who tries to emulate the tastes of the court.

The courtier in the middle, in contrast, wears a lavishly adorned bodice. The effect appears to have been made using a mixture of ruffles, bows and pearls. The fabric is of a green silk with reddish details. Note that the lady repeats the choice of pearls on her wrist, around her neck and in her hair.

To Die For: Madame du Barry's Jewels

Born as an illegitimate commoner, Madame du Barry's rise through the ranks allowed her to dedicate some of her immense fortune to her passion: jewels. And who was better to furnish her with both the means and the object itself than the king?

Throughout her tenure as the royal mistress, Madame du Barry was showered with jewels, gemstones, parures etc. The most famous piece made for her was never seen by Louis XV himself but caused irreparable harm to his predecessor. In 1772, Louis XV commissioned Auguste Boehmer and Paul Bassange to create a superb necklace whose design was considered lavish even by the standards of the time. That very necklace would later become the focal point of the infamous Affair of the Diamond Necklace.

Such a large piece required the very best diamonds and thus it took the two jewellers years to complete their task. Sadly for them, when they finally did the king was dead and the intended recipient banished from court. It was estimated that the necklace had cost the pair 2.000.000 livres - it is hardly a wonder that they desperately tried to sell it to the new queen.

A reconstruction of the necklace designed
by Bassange and Boehmer - it would later
cause the public downfall of Marie
Antoinette

While the tale of the infamous diamond necklace is well-known it is far from the only worthwhile addition to the ci-devant favourite's collection. Even after the death of her royal lover, Madame du Barry continued to amass diamonds from the funds left to her by the king. Still, there can be no doubt that her glory days were between 1769-1774. For instance, in 1772 alone Aubert furnished her with jewels amounting to 91.000 livres. She would later return to Aubert in 1775 when she purchased a magnificent parure worth 390.000 livres.

According H. Welschinger, the accounts left by the leading jewellers in Paris reveal that in the years 1768-1774, she "only" spent 2.000.000 more on jewels than previously. 

Once she had become the king's official mistress, there was little to stem her passion for gemstones. She ordered bejewelled shoe-buckles in various colours so that they would always match her gown. Madame du Barry appears to have used her jewels to literally dazzle the court - especially when she was nervous or eager to show off her position. For instance, when she arrived (unexpectedly) at La Muette she was glittering in brilliants. On another occasion, she received a hitherto unheard-of honour by being allowed to dine with the royal family. Taking advantage of the occasion to further demonstrate both her beauty and influence, she arrived in a gown of cloth-of-gold and jewels allegedly worth 5.000.000 livres.

Besides the staggering number - and price tag - of her jewels, Jeanne knew how to make herself noticed. Before her, the ladies of Versailles had stuck to one colour at a time; as such, it was unthinkable for one to wear more than one colour. Yet, Madame du Barry openly flaunted this unwritten rule and happily matched rubies with emeralds, grey and pink pearls etc.

Madame du Barry

After the death of Louis XV, Madame du Barry continued to have a court income as stipulated by the late king's will. However, her extremely high expenditure soon meant that she was obliged to sell off some of her beloved jewels to keep her creditors at bay. For instance, she parted with two magnificent parures of diamonds and rubies which were so grand that they could only be worn at court - a place she was not likely ever to return to.

It was not just in her accessories that Jeanne's expensive hobby was channelled. She would order gowns with gemstones sewn into the fabric - Rose Bertin supplied her with one which also sported golden sheaves embroidered on blue satin.

Of course, the entire extent of the jewelry collection can hardly be estimated precisely. However, here and there the historical records handed down to us gives an insight into the type of jewels that Jeanne Bécu bought and received as gifts. One of the most valuable documents comes from the lady herself. Upon the theft of her jewels in 1791, Madame du Barry drew up an immense and detailed list - with the help of her jewellers - of the pieces that had been stolen. The list was long and described a collection of such lavish wealth that it understandably invoked anger in a country devastated by extreme poverty. Even today, more than two centuries after the fact, the list shows an impressive collection. Given the sheer length of the list, the various pieces have been grouped (the original list was published by the Goncourt-brothers):

Rings:

• 1 ring of white brilliants with a large diamond
• 3 other rings with brilliants 
• 1 ring with a large, square sapphire stone on which was engraved a cupid; it also had two brilliants 
• 20-25 unspecified rings
• 1 onyx ring with the portrait of Louis XIII with sardonyx details 
• 1 ring of Caesar surrounded by brilliants
• 1 ring with a large, square emerald
• 1 puce-coloured ring
• 1 ring with burnt cornelian on which an image of Bacchus was engraved
• 1 ring with an image of Louis XIV on yellow sardonyx 
• 1 heart-shaped sapphire surrounded by diamonds 

Earrings:

• 1 pair of white brilliants
• 1 pair of chandelier earrings with large brilliants worth 120.000 livres
• 1 pair of chandelier earrings mounted on two shafts of a column of gold and enameled in lapis-lazuli surmounted by two silver turtledoves 
• 1 pair of pearl-shell earrings with the portrait of Louis XIV

Necklaces & Pendants: 

• 1 necklace of 24 brilliants finely mounted
• 1 cross with 16 brilliants
• 1 double-row of pearls containing about 200 pearls and 1 large brilliant at the front; below the brilliant hung a tassel with fringes and knots - all set in brilliants

Watches:

• 1 bejewelled watch
• 1 gold watch by Romilly
• 1 more, but smaller, watch by Romilly surrounded by four diamond hoops with a coat-of-arms on the other side

Bracelets:

• 2 bracelets of unspecified design
• 2 bracelets of six rows of pearls; each bracelet had a large emerald. On one the initials "D B" (du Barry) was engraved, on the other two "Ls" (Louis). The clasps were set with brilliants
• 2 bracelets with four diamonds each

Gemstones & Loose Pearls:

• A heart shaped sapphire originally owned by Louis XIII
• 5 white brilliants
• 2 pendant-shaped brilliants
• 1 large and square brilliant
• 17 diamonds "entirely out of shape" - one had been mounted as a pendant
• 1 long, pin-shaped brilliant
• 1 row of 104 stringed pearls
• 40 diamonds
• 1 lozenge shaped brilliant

Miscellaneous:

• A rose "finely mounted" with no less than 258 brilliants and a large stone in the centre 
• 8 pieces of ribbon in puffs, each with 21 brilliants 
• 1 pair of shoe-buckets of 84 brilliants
• 1 purse of blue silk with brilliants on the clasp and tassel
• 2 portraits of Louis XV
• 1 pair of sleeve-buttons formed of an emerald, sapphire, a yellow diamond and a ruby, all of which were surrounded by rose-coloured brilliants
• 2 strings of watch-guards of 16 links with 3 stones, one being an emerald and two brilliants
• 1 cap with a very large and square brilliant and three large emeralds underneath and a brilliant on each side
• 2 opera glasses with the portrait of Louis XV on the sides; one was enamelled in blue, the other in red, and both had been mounted in gold 

Despite this extensive list, the whole is rounded up with the rather vague "... and many other jewels of very good value".

In all, she had jewels worth 1.500.000 livres stolen which included over 140 large diamonds, 300 large pearls, 3 large sapphires, 7 large emeralds, 700 brilliants - and countless other onyxes, rubies etc. Madame du Barry had often been critisiced for been somewhat indiscriminate when it came to the quality of her jewels. The above-mentioned list does hint that something of the kind was the case. For instance, the official list specifically mentions that 40 of her diamonds were not cut in a good shape - yet she had purchased them.

The inventory of the stolen jewels, 1791

Jeanne Bécu's very love of jewels shone through in her attempt to reach out to the dauphine Marie Antoinette. After the newly-arrived Austrian dauphine had publicly snubbed the king's mistress, the latter decided to try and woo the future queen by sending her diamond earrings. However, she was unsuccessful.

Besides the jewels stolen in 1791, Madame du Barry had had a good deal more. Over the years following the king's death she had often had to sell some of her jewels to pay off debts - either her own or those of her relatives. Yet, we do know that she owned several other pieces including:

• A ring of arborized agate surrounded by brilliants worth 480 livres was delivered to her in 1769 and paid for by the king
• A watch adorned by diamonds worth 5.400 livres and made by Lepaute 

Once she had been sentenced to death, she allegedly confessed to having buried several chests of valuables in the grounds of Louveciennes. Besides diverse plates and silverware, the condemned lady claimed that the following could be found in the ground:

• A chain of diamonds with two tassels
• Two earrings of diamonds; each had 9-10 stones of which the front ones were very large
• A ruby ring with white diamonds
• A necklace with five pearls set in gold
• A collar of pearls 
• A diamond ring
• A "beautiful" engraved stone mounted on chains of gold to make a necklace
• Two necklaces of coral, one of which was mounted on gold
• An emerald ring with white diamonds

... And a portrait of Louis XV in a gold frame.

Following her execution, the remnants of her collection was sold at auction by Sothesby's in 1795. The auction fetched what amounts to 1.281.210,99 euros (1.093.302,26 pounds 1.502.251,88 US dollars). This alone goes to show the sheer size and value of her original collection.

Louis Phélypeaux, Duc de La Vrillière

Born in Paris on 18th August 1705,  Louis was the son of two courtiers who both possessed considerable positions at court: his father, another Louis, was minister of state while his mother, Françoise de Mailly-Nesle who was dame d'atours to Marie Leszczynska for 11 years.

Growing up, Louis was given the title of Comte de Saint-Florentin. He was destined to follow in the familial career path: that of politician. Both his father and grandfather had been ministers for quite a specific area: Protestantism. In the profoundly Catholic France, the king had established the post of minister to deal with matters pertaining to the reformed religion.

Louis with his order of the Saint-Esprit

When Louis turned 20 years old, he inherited his father's title of Marquis de La Vrillière as well as his post as minister. Ten years later, he officially became a freemason. By this time, Louis had more than proved his worth as a minister to Louis XV. This meant that he was given a new post in 1749 - and a coveted one at that: Secretary of State of the Maison du Roi. As such, he was the nominal head of the king's household and wielded considerable power at court. Louis apparently pleased his king in this capacity since he was permitted to remain in office until 1770; that was a record amount of time spent in this post.

Louis married Amélie Ernestine de Platen-Hallermund on 15 May 1724. She was a German by birth as the granddaughter of the Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg; her father had been the first German Duke of York. The couple had no children and Louis lost his wife in 1767. When he was not at court, Louis spent his time at the Hôtel de Saint-Florentin which he had had designed by Chalgrin.

Louis does not appear to have been blessed with a comely face. His figure was rather corpulent throughout his life and his eyes were considered to be "beady". Nevertheless, he managed to remain at court - and in some power - due to his abilities as a courtier. He understood the king's mood quite well and understood even better that it was political suicide to make an enemy of the monarch's mistress. Thus, he made sure to throw dinner parties for them. For instance, he held one in honour of Madame du Barry to which he also invited many of Marie Antoinette's ladies - most refused. For this, the king was grateful, especially when it came to those of his mistresses that were otherwise shunned by the court. Louis reaped the rewards and was eventually made the first Duc de La Vrillère.

The classic portrait of a minister - seated at his desk

As minister, the Duc de La Vrillère was not necessarily well-liked by his fellow courtiers. One of the reasons for his reputation was based on the practice of lettres de cachet. These were used to dismiss a minister - or courtier - from court by the king's express order. Louis XV was particularly fond of using this conveniently passive aggressive manner of ridding himself of troublesome people; unfortunately for the Duc de La Vrillère, he was often tasked with delivering them. It is hardly a wonder that people would feel uneasy if he suddenly showed up. It was gossiped that his mistress sold blank lettres de cachets for those wishing to eliminate a rival from the courtly scene.

He would finally leave to replace Choiseul as minister of foreign affairs but would not remain in that post for long. He officially took the job on Christmas Eve 1770 and was replaced on 6 June 1771. Marie Antoinette was credited with the dismissal but she had no particularly influence on politics, especially not as dauphine. Louis' last post was also as minister which he resigned in 1775 when he turned 70 years old. Louis died on 27 February 1777.