Maison Militaire: The King's Military Household

The king's immense household was divided into three distinct branches: the civilian household, the ecclesiastical household and the military household. Of these, the military household was definitely the largest household with nearly 10.000 men serving in the king's personal service.

It was during the reign of Louis XIV that the king's military household was given a new purpose. It was transformed from having the sole purpose of protecting the royal family to also adopting the status of an elite fighting force. Its ranks were filled with the most experienced, professional soldiers whom the king could use for particularly difficult campaigns.

Over the centuries, the military household was expanded until it reached its final form of eight units: the gardes du corps, the French guards, the gendarmes, the Swiss guards, the musketeers, the grenadiers, the gentilhommes à Bec  de Corbin and the chevau-légers:

The Gardes du Corps

The royal family's private lifeguard was divided into four companies: Garde Écossaise (Scottish Guards), 1st French Company, 2nd French Company and 3rd French Company. Surprisingly, the Scottish Guards were considered to be the highest-ranking within the royal bodyguards.

Of the men in the Scottish Guards, the 24 oldest formed the Gardes de la Manche - they were so-named because they infamously stood so close to the king that they touched his sleeves (manches).

The royal bodyguards were exclusively aristocratic which inevitably led to companies more renowned for their aristocratic virtues than their military expertise. Throughout their existence, they were the target of critics who pointed out that they contributed very little to the army's actual fighting and always embarrassed themselves when they finally did go on campaign. Frankly, the criticism was not entirely unfounded. For instance, they were so outraged at having to wear a uniform at court that they eventually "won" the right to wear their civilian clothing while at court.

The sheer size of the royal bodyguards rose massively during the age of Versailles. Originally, they had been 400 but were increased to 1.600 by Louis XIV before Louis XV decreed that each company was to have 320 men divided into two squadrons and six brigades. 

A gate guard (left) and 
bodyguard (right) during Louis 
XIV

The French Guards

The most prestigious infantry unit in the king's service was also the oldest. Created a century before, in 1560, the French guard were deployed for no less than 20 conflicts until their final dissolution in 1789. From 1646, the French Guards were divided into 30 regiments of widely different sizes in manpower; some employed 20 while others held 200. The head of the unit was a colonel-general. 

It was they, alongside the Swiss Guards, who controlled the entrance to the palace. Therefore, it fell to them to lock and secure the numerous gates leading into the palace. Traditionally, the French and Swiss guards divided the courtyard immediately before the palace in two; each guard would be responsible for its own side. Dressed in blue, the French Guards were easy to distinguish from their red-clad, Swiss colleagues. 

While on duty at Versailles, they would be housed in barracks. However, neither them nor the Swiss Guards were permanently garrisoned at Versailles. Instead, the French had their headquarters in Paris whereas the Swiss' were located in Rueil. From there each corps would dispatch the required number of guards.

The Swiss Guards

Swiss guards were hired by various monarchs throughout history due to their high level of professionalism. In France, Swiss guards were deeply integrated into the French army since 1481. They served in various regiments but a particular unit was attached to the king's personal service. These were known by their number as Cent Suisses - the Hundred Swiss. 

The Swiss Regiment was created in 1616 - hitherto, the Alpine soldiers had been mercenaries who had been paid on a regular basis. Joined with the French Guards to form a single brigade, the Swiss Guards had the task of guarding the exterior of the royal residences; in battle, they were placed on the frontline with the French Guards.

They were also tasked with several security tasks within the palace proper. For instance, they patrolled the dark corners at night and habitually erected field beds in the galleries which were promptly moved by daybreak. Their special status at court guaranteed the right to be sentenced by their own tribunal. It was not unusual for the Swiss Guard to be supplemented by veterans who had been unable to obtain a place at the Invalides - these would typically be posted by the outer gates.

Famed for both their discipline and their professionalism, they were housed in barracks in various faubergs in Paris. Unlike their French counterparts, they remained loyal to the royal family during the revolution. This led to the infamous massacre of the Tuileries on 10 August 1792 when Swiss Guards made a last stand to protect the king from a furious mob.

Officer and soldier in the Swiss Guard, 1757

Gendarmes

Ranking second within the hierarchy of the military household, the gendarmes - literally "men of arms" - was created in 1609 for the purpose of guarding the then-dauphin, the future Louis XIII. Their charge would later officially integrate them into the king's household. 

Traditionally, it was filled by men of the nobility - although access for others was not outright reserved by law. Officially, the king was the head of the gendarmes although he outsourced the daily management of the regiment to a captain-lieutenant. 

Despite their high placement within the military household, they would not survive the reform of the late 1780's. By this time, the military household was far to expensive compared to the services they rendered which forced Louis XVI to disband them in 1787.

Musketeers

Undoubtedly the more famous of the regiments - particularly thanks to The Three Musketeers by Dumas - the musketeers were originally in the service of Cardinal Mazarin. They entered royal service in 1660 when the king absorbed the cardinal's troop. Up until then, they had had a tumultuous, albeit brief, history. Established in 1622, they were disbanded again in 1646-1657, before finally merging with the king's own soldiers.

The musketeers were a mounted infantry regiment which was divided into two companies. During Louis XV these held 500 men combined. By 1775, Louis XVI disbanded the regiments but they were amongst the first to be revived during the Restoration.

Evolution of the musketeers

Chevau-Légers

Established in 1593, the regiment - translated into "Light Horse" - counted 200 men. This was the only unit in the king's household which was made up entirely of aristocrats who would otherwise possess various ranks of officer in the king's army.

Having become too expensive to justify, the Light Horse was disbanded in 1787 by Louis XVI.

An officer in the Light Horse

Gentilhommes à Bec de Corbin

These two regiments were named for their primary weapon: the halberd. The particularly type of halberd they used happened to be shaped like the beak of a bird - hence the name "Bec de Corbin". They were briefly disbanded during Louis XIII before being reinstated by Louis XIV. 

At official processions, they walked two-by-two in front of the king. By 1683 they numbered 100 men; eventually, they would be integrated into the king's private bodyguard as the 2nd French Guards.

Mounted Grenadiers 

The latest addition to the military household was added by Louis XIV in 1676. Like the musketeers, they were a mounted regiment whose primary purpose was to assist in sieges. The conflicts in which France had participated hitherto had been marked by immensely bloody sieges which inevitably led to considerable losses for the king's other regiments. By deploying this specialised unit alongside the king's bodyguards and musketeers, the latter two would avoid nearly as many casualties. 

Technically, the Mounted Grenadiers fell under the administration of the king's bodyguard. The Battle of Leuze in 1691 was the turning-point in the regiment's history. Having distinguished themselves, the king rewarded them by a considerable increase in both soldiers and officers - and their own standard. Originally, there had been 74 men in the regiment - led by a captain-lieutenant - but they were increased to 150.

By the 1770's, the Crown's finances were desperate which caused Louis XVI to finally suppress the Mounted Grenadiers in 1776.

Pouch belonging to an officer in the mounted
grenadiers, 1740's

It should be pointed out that not everyone was in service at the same time - for instance, the king's garde de corps served in intervals of a yearly quarter. This meant that for three quarters of the year,  most of the king's guardsmen were away from court. This presented both a problem and an opportunity. Such a large number of unemployed soldiers could become a problem but fortunately there was always a considerable building project somewhere which might need a few hundred hands. Thus, men from the king's military household were routinely dispatched for various projects including the aqueduct through the estate of Maintenon or the Swiss Lake (named for the men who dug it and whose regiment had protected the French kings for centuries). On occasion, more soldiers would be recruited for special occasions such as royal weddings where increased security was needed.

While on duty, they would typically be housed in barracks erected in various locations around the ever-growing city of Versailles, including new facilities erected in 1773 at the Place d'Armes.  

Over the years, the elite forces established by Louis XIV declined significantly. During the War of the Austrian Succession, the discipline - and lack of competent leadership - caused the deployed regiments to panic and retreat on numerous occasions. Such ignominy meant that Louis XV kept every single regiment out of the following Nine Years' War. 

One of the leading factors behind such a rapid decline was, as stated, the lack of leadership. The age of Louis XIV had seen brilliant commanders including Turenne and the Grand Condé but as the officer class became more restricted to the sons of the nobility, entire regiments would be handed down as part of an inheritance from father to son. Thus, many very young noblemen were put in charge of regiments without having any experience with either command or military service outside the royal academies. Over the decades, the sphere of eligible men for officers' posts became increasingly restricted. Louis XV further tightened the noose by demanded four generations of nobility on the father's side with the sole exception being the sons of chevaliers de Saint-Louis.

Re-enactors (@maisonmiliduroi)

Furthermore, like all other posts at court, the position of officer in a royal regiment was venal. It therefore became a matter of who could afford to purchase a commission regardless of competence. Such places were anything but cheap. The richest families bought and sold their places for up to 500.000 livres while the post of lieutenant in the gendarmes cost about 120.000 livres by the early 1770's. This effectually placed another hurdle for anyone not of aristocratic descent. As if such exorbitant prices were not discouraging enough, the king placed heavy taxes on the sale of commissions.

Besides the accusations of incompetence raised against the military household, there was an increased influx of luxury - even on campaign. Already during Louis XIV, the officers were criticised for bringing their courtly habits along when waging war. This included large households complete with lackeys and personal chefs.

By the 1770's, the finances were dire and the Comte de Saint-Germain was tasked with coming up with new ways of retrenching. He immediately focused on the king's largest household whose numbers had only increased just as their prestige was declining. Consequently, many of the regiments within the king's military household were suppressed as superfluous. This immediately made the Comte the enemy of most of the court as his original plans had envisioned the abolishing of about 2.700 officer posts within the aristocracy. Eventually, the opposition became so great that Louis XVI had to agree to less stringent measures - however, these still saw the disbanding of a large part of his military household.

It is tempting to raise the question of whether the royal family would have been forcibly removed to Versailles in 1789 if the household had been kept intact. Yet, the fact that the French Guards were amongst the first to join the revolutionary cause would seem to argue against such stance. In an ironic twist of fate, it was not the celebrated French guard who stood between the king and the revolutionary fury - it was his Swiss soldiers.

Marie Thérèse: The Shadow Queen

Marie Thérèse stands as a shadow figure in the history of Versailles. In most cases, she is merely referred to as the wife of Louis XIV or the mother of the Grand Dauphin - however, the woman herself is rarely the focus of attention. True to form, Marie Thérèse led a remarkably anonymous life and submitted entirely to both the increasingly elaborate rituals of etiquette and her husband's routine. As she had no political power, she was deemed of little importance to those seeking to advance themselves. Therefore, the life she led behind closed doors were not particularly well-visited. But what did this queen like? Which games, scents, flavours etc. did she prefer?

Marie Thérèse in her youth

Marie Thérèse was a massive fan of chocolate. Hot chocolate was immensely popular with the Spanish court where the king - Marie Thérèse's father - had included this new-found delicacy into his daily diet. When she was married off to the French dauphin, Marie Thérèse brought her love of chocolate with her. Besides bringing her own remedies, she also included people in her entourage who could make chocolate in the "Spanish" fashion.

When it came to bathing, Marie Thérèse preferred soaps of olive oil which she used while enjoying a long, hot bath.

Throughout her life, Marie Thérèse remained an immensely pious woman. She took great pleasure in visiting various convents and churches; such would be a preferred excursion for the French queen. For instance, she would occasionally visit the Carmelite convent at the Rue de Bouloi (presently the Rue de Saxe) where she could spend the entire day. At other times, she went to Récollet or Saint-Germain. She had a particular fascination with various saints, including her name-sake Saint Thérèse. 

As for gambling, Marie Thérèse was certainly not averse to this particular court pastime. Her favourite games were hombre and bassette but she never had any luck with them - according to Primi Visconti, she constantly lost. Card games, in general, were amongst her favourites but with such poor luck she would inevitably run up debt. This was especially true as she had very little money for herself. Most months, she would donate a good part of her allowance (as was expected) but this left her very little room for serious gambling. The consequence was that Louis usually had to step in and pay her debts. Like chocolate and her preferred type of soap, hombre originated in Spain - her childhood south of the border had certainly left indelible marks.

Like any noblewoman of good breeding, Marie Thérèse was skilled at embroidery. She was particularly good at tapestries which aptly filled out the slower evenings. Generally speaking, her rooms were not very well visited. Those who came usually did so out of either obligation or politeness but Marie Thérèse herself does not appear to have been that eager to extend her personal circle. She kept with her an entourage of Spanish ladies which only further estranged her from the French courtiers - after all, if Spanish was spoken in the queen's rooms, it would be limited how many courtiers would understand the conversation.

Thus, the private sphere of her apartment became a miniature Spain. Here, she entertained her companions, her dogs and her priests. From a modern point-of-view, the composition of her entourage was somewhat distasteful. Whereas her ladies were of noble birth, the Spanish court had a tradition of hiring little people as the entertaining side-kick. Marie Thérèse was no different and had several "dwarfs" with her for her entertainment.

Her role as queen required certain humanitarian exploits from her but it seems that Marie Thérèse genuinely enjoyed such endeavours. Besides her numerous donations to charitable works, she would volunteer her time with helping caring for the sick. Naturally, this only helped to establish her reputation as a truly god-fearing woman.

Marie Thérèse as queen of France

Despite her husband's frequent and public infidelities, Marie Thérèse remained utterly devoted to Louis XIV. She harboured both a deep respect and genuine affection for her husband (and first cousin); typically, royal couples settled into a routine of parallel but distant lives but Marie Thérèse truly cared for her spouse. Coupled with her strict upbringing, this led to an almost unhealthy attitude in marriage. She never publicly reproached Louis - even when he openly flaunted his mistresses. Instead, she adhered to the doctrine that royal wives accept that their husbands have mistresses - it was rather the norm than the exception. Still, her unhappiness at her husband's affairs were not entirely concealed; for one, she was heard saying "that woman will be the death of me" of Madame de Montespan.

While her humanitarian streak was inspiring, Marie Thérèse herself was considered remarkably dull by her contemporaries. In truth, she had few interests of her own - most of her pastimes were already dictated by court routine. Neither was she especially curious when it came to literature, the sciences or the arts. She showed no interest in ballets or operas, and rarely - if ever - indulged in reading. While she was goodnatured by heart, she was generally agreed not to be particularly bright.

The character of this shadow queen has the appearance of a remarkably simple woman. Living primarily for her god, her husband and children, she was contended with a life out of the court's spotlight. While not intellectually gifted, Marie Thérèse possessed a heart of gold when it came to those less fortunate than herself; her piety was anything but feigned and her naïveté remained a firm component in her nature. For a 17th century monarch, she was the ideal wife. She produced a male heir, never complained of her husband's behaviour and fulfilled her duties as queen. It was not for nothing that Louis XIV remarked on her death: "This is the first sorrow she has caused me".

Louise Françoise de Mailly, Marquise de Listenois

Born in 1692 (date unknown) into the aristocratic Mailly-family, Louise Françoise's early years are entirely obscure. Even today, her name is not very well known despite her causing considerable scandal during her time.

Her childhood ended as most aristocratic girls' did: in marriage. Being married to Jacques Antoine de Bauffremont, Marquis de Listenois, on 11 November 1706, the couple had had the honour of being officially betrothed in the private cabinet of the Duchesse de Bourgogne with Louis XIV himself as a witness.

Louise was fifteen years old when she married Jacques; her new husband was 24 years old. He had served in the king's armies for almost ten years at that point. Unfortunately, he appear to have been remarkably unlucky on the battlefield. Jacques was seriously wounded at his first battle (Madertingen), then yet again at his second (Schellemberg). The year before their wedding, he had received his third wound his battle which earned him a royal order. For his perseverance, Louis XIV made him a cavalry brigadier, although not everyone thought that was particularly wise. According to the Duc de Saint-Simon, the Marquis de Listenois was quite mad - the typically cynical Saint-Simon quipped that he was just as insane as others who were locked away.

Insane or not, the king rewarded those who bled for him. Upon their wedding, the king bestowed a lump sum of 26.000 écus on the couple as well as a pension of 6.000 livres. Meanwhile, the Maillys pledged to pay for the couple's room and board for a period of six years. That alone could be a considerable expense considering the sky-high prices demanded at Versailles.

The new Marquise de Listenois, threw herself into the debauched lifestyle led by the future elite of the regency. Following the seasonal cycle of royal hunts, festivals, balls and dinner parties, Louise was an established member of this "other" court. It is not unlikely that she was amongst those who found the sombre atmosphere at Versailles too boring. As for Madame de Maintenon, she judged the young lady to have plenty of wit but no beauty.

Yet, the expense was abruptly cut off in 1709. Sadly, Jacques' luck had run out and he was killed in battle on 24 September 1709. This left Louise Françoise a widow at the age of nineteen. In 1710, Louise gave birth to a girl - name unknown - who died in childhood. It is unclear whether the child was her husband's - the exact birth date is uncertain but it is possible that Jacques fathered the child before dying.

The death of her husband seems to have invoked a change in Louise's life. She started frequenting the salons of Madame de Maintenon much more than she had before. Those at court even began to speak of a "conversion" in her lifestyle.

Marquise de La Vrillère -
Louise's sister

When Louis XIV died, the repressed atmosphere at Versailles was replaced by a far more debauched regency. Scandals were not uncommon and vicious verses were amongst the chief ways of spreading rumours. After her change of lifestyle, the marquise de Listenois could have remained under the radar if it had not been for one aspect of her life: she was a lesbian.

It should be remembered that homosexuality was punishable by death at this point. Usually, people turned a blind eye to such escapades and the nobility were pretty much left to do as they pleased. However, that was typically the case for male homosexuals. Women were not considered - medically and morally - to possess sexuality at all. Therefore, if a woman showed sexuality she was often deemed "unnatural" by her contemporaries. If her preference was heterosexual, she was considered amoral, but if it was homosexual, it was abnormal.

Thus, a woman such as Louise Françoise was a prime target for the gutter press. While not the biggest star of such rags, she certainly did receive her fair share of attention. Already before the death of Louis XIV, she had been referred to as a direct descendant of Sapho; later, she was said to have confused love itself as it could not determine if she was a man or a woman. Even Voltaire seemed offended at this fluidity; he encountered both her and her sister at a masked ball and dedicated three poems to them; only one was of her and that was remarkably insulting. 

How such tirades affected Louise is unknown. She does not appear to have left any testament of her feelings behind but her actions might shed a light on it. At the age of 38, she encountered a young woman by the name of Mademoiselle Lambert. The two began an affair which took on a pattern usually only seen in the typical aristocratic man/commoner mistress arrangement. The marquise arranged for her mistress to have a pension of about 6.000 livres.

Hitherto, the family of Louise had been able to turn a blind eye to her preferences but such an open relationship was considered embarrassing. Anne-Marie-Françoise de Sainte-Hermine (Louise's mother) filed for her daughter to be incarcerated for her own protection; this caused both Louise and Mademoiselle Lambert to flee.

They were apprehended shortly afterwards, surprisingly in the company of a child, which referred to the marquise as "papa". Both were imprisoned in various convents before their trials - remember, their relationship was a criminal offense. During this time Mademoiselle Lambert revealed two things. Firstly, that she was pregnant, and secondly that she had attempted to leave the marquise for a while.

In response, the marquise claimed that she - Louise - was the father of the child. She was quietly taken into custody by her sister, the marquise de La Vrillière. Any mention of an actual trial is missing. It is not unlikely that the authorities were willing to discard the charges as Louise was now in the custody of her family who were more than eager to keep a lid on the whole affair - not even a portrait exist of her. Louise likely never saw Mademoiselle Lambert again.

If Louise had anticipated to live out her life away from the public eye, she was mistaken. The financial turmoil of the 1740's meant that by 1742, the king's finances were examined. It was discovered that several people had falsified documents which then enabled them to receive money from the king. Louise was one such person. She had obtained her documents from her cousin, Mademoiselle de la Tournelle, but whether she knew them to be fake is unclear. Either way, once the king examined her voucher and declared it to be fake, the court was scandalised. Unfortunately, Louise's finances were dire and she outright refused to repay what she had illegally obtained. 

After the investigation into her had concluded she was exonerated in July 1743. This could indicate that she - officially, at least - was unaware of any wrongdoing. 

The news of her exoneration reached Louise at the convent of the Dames de la Croix Étoillée where she had moved to in the spring of 1743. She would remain there for the rest of her life. Whether she chose to move to the convent out of religious convictions, due to pressure from her family or even mental issues is anyone's guess. Both the stigma of her sexuality and mental problems combined with her falling social status meant that she had ceased being an object of interest.

Louise Françoise died on 26 February 1769.

The Final Disease of Madame de Pompadour

In 1764, Jeanne Antoinette Poissons, Madame de Pompadour, died at the age of just 42. Throughout her life, she had been plagued by frequent diseases which had only been exasperated by the whirlwind pace with which she led her life at court. Her finest task was to keep Louis XV from falling even further into his melancholia; that required a constant attendance to his every possible need. The king's need for distraction never truly ceased; thus, it fell to her to arrange the time-consuming private theatricals, the trips to their numerous country estates, the intimate suppers, balls etc. 

All the while, Madame de Pompadour had garnered a position of influence at court. Her toilette was visited by both ambassadors and ministers just as it was well-known that she had considerable influence when it came to appointments. Even without such cares, she was constantly the target of malicious attacks and attempts at replacing her.

It is hardly surprising, then, that a woman with a weak constitution was very vulnerable in such a position.  By early 1764, the royal mistress was once more under the weather. However, as that was so often the case, it was hardly given a second thought. Her first symptoms occurred as early as January. Her long-time friend, the Marquise de La Ferté, finally agreed to come visit her in the cold, wet month of January that year. She wrote that Madame de Pompadour complained of insomnia, indigestion, and trouble breathing when she walked upstairs. Later - in February - when she and Louis were at Choisy. Being struck suddenly by such a violent headache that she had to support herself on a valet.

She continued somewhat poorly but did experience a period of about three weeks with improved health. Her friends even had hope that she would eventually recover, although they dared not voice such hopes aloud. Thus, she was deemed safe enough to return to Versailles where she arrived shortly after. However, the weather throughout that spring continued to be unusually wet, cold, and dark.

As it happens, the prediction of Madame du Deffand turned out to be correct. Deffand had written to their common friend, Voltaire, and expressed her doubts that the marquise's illness was truly over. It did not take long from her arrival at Versailles for Madame de Pompadour to become considerably worse.

Madame de Pompadour

By April, Madame de Pompadour's condition was deeply worrisome. She often found it almost impossible to breathe even when sitting upright. She received her final visit from her doctors on 11th April - that very evening they declared that nothing could be done for her. At this point, she was still at Versailles on the king's insistence. 

Throughout her ordeal, her courage was exemplary. Even her staunch opponent, the dauphin, admitted that she was "dying with a courage rare in either sex. Every time she breathes, she believes it to be for the last time. It is one of the most painful ways to die and one of the cruelest one can imagine..."

It was now entirely impossible for her to breathe lying down; she therefore remained in her arm-chair where she continued to receive guests. It was widely noted that she never complained although she was clearly in pain. During these days, the king never left for more than a few minutes. When it became clear that she would not have long left, it was determined that a priest should be sent for. Finally, the king was obliged to leave - once she had confessed and received her blessing, the two could not see one another anymore. Louis therefore left her chamber and headed upstairs to his private apartment - he never saw her again.

She did have enough clearness of mind to add a codicil to her testament which she had written in 1757. The codicil still exists - and the tears shed by the writer, Monsieur le Cochin, are still plain to see.

Palm Sunday was as sombre as could be - she spent it with Messieurs Choiseul, Soubise and Gontaut. Finally, she turned to them and allegedly said: "It is coming now, my friends. I think you had bette leave me to my soul, my ladies, and the priest". Her ladies suggested a change of clothing but she rejected it as she was too tired. Initially, the attending priest took that as his cue to leave but when he rose to go, she stopped him with the words: "Wait a moment, Monsieur le Curé, and we will go together" - she was right. Just a few moments later, Madame de Pompadour died.

What exactly killed the king's beloved mistress? Traditionally, her death had been attributed to tuberculosis. Caused by the bacteria Mycobacterium Tuberculosis which was accompanied by heavy coughing, weight loss, weakness, fevers, night sweats, and chest pains. It is likely that she had had the disease from quite an early age; throughout her life, during her frequent bouts of illness, she often referred to a shortness of breath, insomnia and various fevers. Certainly, the symptoms which she exhibited during the spring of 1764 is consistent with tuberculosis. 

Evelyn Lever, author of a biography on Madame de Pompadour, suggest that she also suffered from a heart condition which only furthered weakened the marquise's health. François Guizot went even further when he attributed her death entirely to heart disease. If so, she had mentioned problems with her heart herself - in 1758 (during yet another bout of illness), she described her symptoms as heart palpitations, fevers, and migraines. 

It has also been brought forth that her heart troubles were exasperated by stress and anxiety - both factors which were a constant companion in her life.

The Execution of the Duchesse de Gramont

Béatrix de Choiseul-Stainville had been a leading figure at the court of Versailles; she was the sister of the once-powerful minister, the Duc de Choiseul, and the wife of the Duc de Gramont. Being very close with her brother, she chose to accompany him into exile in 1770 when he fell from favour. 

Thus, the Duchesse de Gramont found herself at the Château de Chanteloup when the revolutionaries came knocking. She was arrested in October 1793, before the execution of Marie Antoinette. By this time, her brother had been dead for years. She was consequently left to her own devices, particularly as she does not appear to have had any relationship with her husband, Antoine VII de Gramont, who happened to survive the revolution.

Béatrix was brought before the tribunal and charged with forwarding money to the royal cause and harbouring royal fugitives. It certainly did not help her case that she had previously supplied Marie Antoinette with linen when the royal family was deprived of the most basic essentials. She continued her fervent support of the royal family during the Reign of Terror and even corresponded with the king when he still had the opportunity to do so. Béatrix had also refused to emigrate France. 

Throughout her life, Béatrix had been either celebrated or vilified for her forwardness which was accompanied by a healthy dose of self-assurance and sheer brazenness. That was to become abundantly clear during her very trial. With this characteristic brazenness, she replied "I was going to deny it but my life is not worth a lie!". 

Béatrix

The Duchesse de Gramont was not the only woman who was facing the already determined judges; she was accompanied by the Duchesse du Châtelet. If her initial response had not rattled her judges, they were certainly taken aback when Béatrix directly confronted them regarding her fellow-prisoner. When she had been informed of her death sentence, she remarked that she was not surprised to hear it for she had caught the public's eye despite not having interfered in the politics of the nation for years; but what truly angered her was the fact that the Duchesse du Châtelet was accused alongside her. She allegedly pointed to the Duchesse du Châtelet and exclaimed how "this angel" could possibly have offended them; her co-accused was the "picture of innocence and benevolence" and had never harmed anyone.

Such spiritedness after having just been informed of her own impending death show the strength of character she had. It was of little use to either of them, though. They were condemned to die alongside 10 other people, including the former minister Malesherbes (who was 72 years old!). The story goes that - while awaiting her sentence being carried out - she was approached by her judges and offered a way out if she revealed the whereabouts of the Comte du Châtelet, son of her friend. As could be imagined, she fiercely refused to do so.

When such a large number of people were to be executed, they were typically taken to the scaffold in several carts. On 17 April 1794, Béatrix was led to the scaffold with her hands tied behind her back. She asked for a confessor but was apparently informed that such things were no longer provided. Béatrix was guillotined at the age of 64 years.

The Wealthiest Man in France: Louis Jean Marie de Bourbon-Penthièvre

Of the numerous minor branches of the house of Bourbon, that of Bourbon-Penthièvre became one of the richest families in Europe. When the last Duc de Penthièvre, Louis Jean Marie, came into his title, he was therefore amongst the richest - if not the - men at court. But where did that vast fortune come from?

Family Affairs

Louis Jean Marie de Bourbon-Penthièvre was the son of Louis Alexandre de Bourbon, Comte de Toulouse - this made Louis Jean Marie the grandson of Louis XIV and Madame de Montespan. It also meant that he was a legitimated prince; his brother was the Duc du Maine. The family fortune stemmed from the will of the Grande Mademoiselle, Louis XIV's unmarried cousin. She herself had been known as the wealthiest heiress in Europe which had made her a much sought-after bride for many unsuccessful suitors.

Eyeing up his cousin's fortune, Louis XIV stipulated that she would be allowed to marry the Duc de Lauzun (a love match, on her part, at least) - on the condition that she left her vast fortune to the Duc du Maine. While the Grande Mademoiselle was eager to marry Lauzun, she was not entirely stupid either. She refused to part with anything but the principality of Dombes and the duchy of Eu; once those had been transferred to the Duc du Maine, Louis XIV promptly refused to let her marry Lauzun.

This made the Duc du Maine a very wealthy man; his personal fortune was further enlarged by the numerous gifts from his devoted father, the king. While the Duc du Maine did have two surviving male heirs, both happened to die without heirs of their own. When the latter of these sons died in 1775, the fortune went straight to Louis Jean Marie.

Furthermore, Louis Jean Marie was the only son of the Comte de Toulouse. Thus, he did not have to share his father's already immense fortune with a cumbersome sibling.

Louis Jean Marie

Châteaux, land and forests!

As was the case with most of the aristocracy, the majority of the Duc de Penthièvre's fortune stemmed from landed property. Over the years, Louis Jean Marie managed to accumulate a very impressive property portfolio. From his own father, he had inherited the Château de Rambouillet which he later sold to Louis XVI, as well as the Hôtel de Toulouse in Paris.

Upon the death of the Duc du Maine's sons the following châteaux were added: Sceaux, d'Anet, Dreux, Gisors and Aumale. Naturally, being that rich from such a young age, Louis Jean Marie purchased several estates of his own during his lifetime, including the Châteaux de Chanteloup, d'Amboise, de La Ferté-Vidame and Châteauneuf-sur-Loire.

It should be kept in mind that the châteaux were the figureheads of the owner's landed estates. The real income came from the agriculture which could be carried out on the estate's fields. Typically, the lordly owner would either let out the managing of this to tenants and claim a part of the surplus.

Jean Duma has gathered the information needed to establish the sources of income for the Duc de Penthièvre by 1789. This is from Duma's book: Les-Bourbon-Penthièvres: une nébuleuse aristocratique au XVIIIé Siécle:

As can be seen, thirteen of the eighteen properties had immense value from their forestry while three had quarries - even the least valuable property (Nogent sur Seine) was still worth 37.161 livres!

While land income was the leading source of income in the 18th century, the profits from it decreased steadily over the decades. When he inherited the title of Duc de Penthièvre in 1737 (at the age of 12) his income was made up of 65 % landed income. In comparison, the forestry income was 28, 24 % while his feudal rights only amounted to 6,67 %. However, upon the outbreak of the revolution in 1789 - when Louis Jean Marie was still Duc de Penthièvre, those numbers were quite different. Landed income was then less than half of the total income (44 %) while forestry income had risen to 48,65 % - feudal rights had risen to 7,18 %.

The feudal - or seigneurial rights - usually covered a wide variety of smaller rights, such as monopolies or market rights. For Louis Jean Marie, such rights could be very lucrative indeed - for instance, the income yielded by his duchy of Penthièvre was made up of 60 % seigneurial rights.

Also by 1789, the total of the Duc de Penthièvre's landed estates was a staggering 104.000.000 livres.

Court income

If the considerable wealth in landed properties were not enough, Louis Jean Marie was amongst the highest-ranking men at court. Besides being a legitimated prince, he was a duke and possessed several of the elite posts at court. These naturally brought in considerable incomes as well.

The Duc de Penthièvre was the Grand Maitre de France and Grand Écuyer de France - both top-posts in the king's civilian household. Both posts also entitled him to a royal pension. As was typically the case within the royal households, it was not the wages for such posts that made the jobs lucrative. The post of Grand Maître paid "only" 3.600 livres per year in wages while that of Grand Écuyer varied from 1.200 - 3.600 livres. However, both posts came with considerable possibilities for supplementary incomes. That of Grand Maître could claim 56.800 livres, the Grand Écuyer 30.000.

As a Marèchal de France - and Admiral! - he was at the top of the military hierarchy, as well. Finally, Louis Jean Marie was governor of Brittany where the duchy of Penthièvre was located.

Duc de Penthièvre in his older years

Debt

Finances - especially amongst the aristocracy - were handled much different than today. It was almost unheard of for a nobleman to have no debt; even the Duc de Penthièvre was not exempt. Yet, his finances were extremely sound, primarily because his debt by 1789 "only" amounted to about 10 % of his entire fortune. This meant that he was not only solvent but doing very well - especially compared to his co-courtiers whose debts could be up to half of their fortune.

Generally, it appears that Louis Jean Marie was a capable financial manager. He had inherited a fortune worth 13,4 million livres. As mentioned, by 1789, that fortune had been increased to over 104 million. Even when one factors in inflation, that is an immense increase, largely due to the fact that he inherited the Maine-fortune as well. 

Louis Jean Marie had married Marie Thérèse d'Este with whom he had had seven children before she died in childbirth. Only two of those children survived past childhood: Louis Alexandre Joseph Stanislas and Louise Marie Adélaide.

His son was known at court as the Prince the Lamballe - husband of Marie Antoinette's close friend. Sadly, he was deeply debauched and utterly irresponsible in both his own behaviour and finances. His libertine lifestyle led him to dying at just 22 years old without an heir. This meant that Louise Marie Adélaide became the sole heiress of the vast Penthièvre-fortune. She had been married to the equally dissolute Duc de Chartres which made her the Duchesse d'Orléans. Yet, she would not inherit her fortune during the Ancien Régime.

Louis Jean Marie was caught up in the revolution but was never a target for the revolutionary masses. At first glance, it might seem odd that the richest man in the kingdom would somehow escape particular notice but Louis Jean Marie's reputation preceded him. During his life, he had been immensely charitable with his fortune, generously aiding those in need with his fortune. As he was not notorious for any scandals - that was left for his son - the people simply remembered that he was a benefactor. Thus, he died of natural causes at the age of 67. 

It was not until the Bourbon restoration that his daughter was successful in reclaiming a good portion of her rightful inheritance.

Traces of a Queen: The Remnants of Marie Antoinette's Wardrobe

The famed wardrobe of the Queen of Fashion has drawn immense attention, both in Marie Antoinette's own lifetime and after her brutal death. Traditionally, the queen of France - or in lieu of her, the king's mistress - set the tone for fashion at court. Since France was the fashion capital of the world, the French queen's wardrobe was the go-to for foreign courts' new fashions.

The queen's wardrobe was not necessarily a personal matter; in fact, one of the criticisms faced by Marie Antoinette was not primarily the amount of spending (that came later) but the fact that her fashions were so personal. She was meant to represent the best of French fashion - inventing those fashions were better left to others. It did not take long before the queen's wardrobe became a matter of intense dispute in both capital and countryside. Marie Antoinette found herself in a paradox; when she spent lavishly on her wardrobe, she was decried as a mindless spendthrift but when she pioneered her much simpler chemise à la Reine, those same critics were horrified at the very simplicity of her clothing. It would seem that either way, she was reviled for her fashion choices.

During the revolution, the queen's wardrobe was utterly destroyed. Some perished in the initial assault on Versailles in October 1789; from the moment the royal family left, it became quite easy to steal lighter items. Thus, the late queen's wardrobe is almost entirely gone today. Only a few pieces remain to give an insight into the fashions Marie Antoinette wore at the end of the 1780's - the fashions she sported before that were long gone when the revolution broke out.

The Nelson and Norfolk exhibition included a bodice said to have been worn by Marie Antoinette. Made in silk of striped white/turquoise, the bodice was clearly meant to be worn over a tightly-laced corset. When the exhibition received the garment for preparation, it was in remarkably poor condition. The sleeves had been cut up as pieces had been taken for mementos over the years; besides the garment was absolutely filthy. After several careful washes, the dull blueish colour turned out to have been originally a bright turquoise.

The curators carefully washed and dried the garment; notice the flaps overlapping each side of the bodice. Earlier in the 18th century, such decoration would have been in the shape of ruffles, bows or even jewels but the tastes of the 1780's were for something far simpler. Stripes, too, were very fashionable. The bodice is lined with a white silk taffeta.

The difference after cleaning is quite clear - but so is the incredibly fragile condition of the fabric. It has clearly torn in some places, despite the careful handling.

This ruffled ribbon was worn by Marie Antoinette in either 1784 or 1786. Given the colour, it could very well be a mourning item; her youngest daughter, Sophie, died in 1786 which makes a likely candidate for the clothing's origin. Such a ribbon would typically be worn under a hat or a bonnet

It looks remarkably much like the one, the young dauphine is seen wearing in this miniature portrait. However, the miniature shows Marie Antoinette in mourning for Louis XV which predates the black ribbon above by a decade.

These slippers were worn by Marie Antoinette herself and are made of striped white and green silk; if you look carefully at the body of the shoe, the green stripes are delicately joined by a pale pink. They were sold at auction by the French auction house Drouot. The shoes were supposedly given to her in 1775 by Alexandre-Bernard Ju-des-Rets. They are now the private property of an unknown bidder.

Another shoe which belonged to the late queen was this white silk slipper, also sold on auction. Despite a few tears and stains, the show is in remarkably good condition with two rows of ruffles and a heel of 4,7 cm. It measures 22 cm in length and - besides the silk - is made of goatskin with a leather sole. For once, we know how the shoe survived the turmoils of the royal family's captivity. It was given to the Marie Émilie de la Chapelle who happened to be a good friend of Madame Campan - Marie Antoinette's close confidant. Her husband was also in the king's household but was sadly guillotined in 1794.

By far the most famous surviving piece from Marie Antoinette's wardrobe is this gown by the infamous Rose Bertin. The silk concoction - complete with a regal train - is richly adorned with hand embroidered "garlands" of pink as well as exotic peacock feathers, delicate spring flowers and bouquets. Added to that were the luxurious touches of spangles and glass stones on a background of magnificent white silk.

It should be said that the dress is merely alleged to have been worn by Marie Antoinette - as is most pieces on this list. This particular dress was altered by the Ontario Museum in the 1870's which means that it no longer has the same appearance as it would have had.

Corsets were a stable of any woman's wardrobe - the ladies of the court wore tight-laced whalebone corsets with their grand habits de cour. Upon her arrival at court, the then-15 year old Marie Antoinette caused a stir when she refused to indulge in the tradition. Although people agreed that she was so slight of frame that she did not need the rigid constriction of the corset, it was still seen as a matter of status to wear fine corsets.

Perhaps this corset is a result of the queen's dislike for whalebone corsets. This one is made from delicate taffeta but not boned; instead, a piece of curved wood would be inserted at the front, creating the same stiff bodice. It is hard to see from the photo, but the corset is actually slightly blue - it is currently owned by the city of Paris

Note the detailing of the sleeves - the fabric appear to have been pleated over the arms. The details alone indicate that immense attention was paid to an item of clothing which - at first glance - looks remarkably simple. Even with the obvious stain on the front of the bodice, the corset is in remarkably good condition.

A lace fichu worn by Marie Antoinette; the type of lace is the so-called Beauvais and was made by hand. It came into the possession of Alexandre Chappet de Vangel who served as an officer in the bodyguards attached to the protection of the dauphin and dauphine. From there, it was passed through his family before finally being sold at auction recently. 

The Queen's Trial: Charges Against Marie Antoinette

The trial against queen Marie Antoinette began on 14 October 1793; few, if any, had any reason to think that the sentence was not a foregone conclusion. In the preamble to the charges, the prosecutor referred to the ci-devant queen as the scourge of French people and proceeded to spew insults at her. The trial itself was a farce. The former queen and her lawyers were given less than 24 hours to prepare their defense - but what was she actually accused of?

The legitimacy of the trial itself was almost non-existent - consequently, it is not surprising that the charges laid against the accused was an odd mixture of actual, punishable offenses and gossip. Much of what was laid against her had already been circulating in the gutter press for years; but now, they were being used as a weapon in the legal system.

Marie Antoinette at the time of her trial

Financial treason

From the very beginning of her time in France, her very foreignness was considered deeply suspicious by both the courtiers and the commoners of France. The situation was completely paradoxical and entirely out of Marie Antoinette's own control; she was chosen as a bride for Louis XVI exactly because she was an Austrian archduchess yet her birthplace was continuously held against her.

Thus, the family relations of the now dethroned queen was considered to be grounds for charges of high treason. She was accused of forwarding several millions of livres from the royal treasury to her brother, Emperor Joseph II of Austria. She was also accused of spying on behalf of her brother, thus sending him intimate secrets of the French government. It was considered evidence that she had a frequent correspondence with her brother.

It says a lot that when the former Minister for War, Latour Dupin, was called on to testify he not only claimed to have no knowledge of the queen interfering with the king's politics but gave such vague answers when pressed that the prosecution had nothing further to go on. For instance, he was questioned as to whether the queen had continuously pressured the king for withdrawals from the royal treasury which he never confirmed. 

Massacre at Champs de Mars

This particular accusation was based on the massacre of Champs de Mars which occurred on 17 July 1791. It had just been decreed that Louis XVI would retain his throne but as a constitutional monarch which led to a massive demonstration on the field of Champs de Mars. About 50.000 people turned up and quickly descended into chaos. Two men had been accused of lurking about the ladies which led to them being hanged; immediately, the mayor of Paris, Jean Sylvain Bailly, declared martial law. Ironically, Bailly would later be executed for having acted with the queen to cause the massacre.

With the situation rapidly getting out of control, someone in the crowd fired a weapon. In response, the Marquis de Lafayette ordered his troops in the National Guard to use their weapons to regain calm. Some guardsmen fired their weapons directly into the crowd. As a result, some 50 people were killed. Lafayette further failed to calm the crowd as it returned to Paris.

But where was Marie Antoinette in this incident? No where near, in fact. She was imprisoned following the unsuccessful attempt at escaping to Varennes earlier that year. Yet, two years later, that very incident was laid at her door.

The argumentation resembled that used in the witch trials centuries before. It was claimed by Pierre Joseph Terrason, that when she was led back to the Tuileries after their escape attempt, the queen gave the surrounding guardsmen such an evil glance "which suggested to me the idea that she would certainly take revenge". As Terrason and the prosecutor argued, the following incident at Champs de Mars was a direct result of this "evil eye" being cast by the queen.

The official accusation directly state that she supposedly gave orders to the Marquis de Lafayette to open fire on the demonstrators; not only did he have no orders to do so, she could not have given any as she was not there.

Starvation

It is no secret that the people of France were in dire straits. Poverty was increasing and harvests were ever unreliable. Marie Antoinette was accused of actively causing her people to starve. There was no evidence to support such an accusation. In fact, occasional hunger was not uncommon during most of the 18th century. This was due to the fact that the majority of the population relied on the crops produced in agriculture. A poor harvest - or worse, several in a row - could ultimately result in outbursts of famine. 

In the official accusation against her, the prosecutor claimed that when the Widow Capet had arrived in Paris in 1789, there had been "plenty of everything" - hardly corresponding to the cries of the market women who had marched on Versailles. It was said that Marie Antoinette had used unnamed agents who worked in the capital to ensure that no one could get anything to eat.

Marie Antoinette at her trial by
François de la Roche

Encouraging an invasion

This charge was the only one which a semi-competent lawyer might have hoped to build their case around. It was said that the queen had actively invited foreign armies into France to help her and herself back on the French throne.

Earlier that year, she had written that only "foreign powers are the only ones who can save us now" - in the extremely tense atmosphere in Paris, such a letter would have been tantamount to high treason. Yet, she was never involved with any plan to hire foreign armies into France, let alone allow them to use violence against the common frenchmen. She knew full well that she had no influence over her brother, Leopold who had taken the throne of Austria-Hungary. In fairness, the two had never met and to him she remained a distant aunt. As she wrote herself, "my influence over him is non-existent" - even if she had wanted to, she could not pressured him into invading France. 

She was also accused of supplying foreign armies with the intimate details of the newly established republican army. It does not appear to have occurred to anyone that Marie Antoinette would have been the last person to know of such things, as the army was the creation of the new regime and not that of her late husband.

Plotting to kill the Duc d'Orléans

The king's cousin, the Duc d'Orléans, had voted for the death of Louis XVI earlier that year. Having allied himself with the revolutionary cause, he had allowed his wealth and properties to be used as a "head-quarter" for pamphlets, verses and rumours in the press. Styling himself Philippe Égalité, he thus represented a figurehead of a prince sympathising with the revolution; few would have guessed at the time that he, too, would end on the scaffold.

Philippe was therefore a popular figure in the capital. A woman by the name of Rene Mallet had worked as a maid at Versailles and claimed that she had overheard the queen talking of having the Duc d'Orléans assassinated. She even made the ludicrous claim that Marie Antoinette herself carried around two loaded pistols so that she might do the honours herself.

The queen pleading her case

Orgies

The queen had been the subject of numerous sexual accusations over the years. From lesbian affairs with her friends to numerous extramarital affairs, there was little she was not accused of. It seems absurd that a court of law would take any charge of the like into consideration; but, alas, that is what happened. As the leading lady of Versailles, Marie Antoinette was accused of personally organising orgies within the gilded halls of Versailles.

This was a continuation of the seemingly never-ending attacks on her moral character. It should be kept in mind that female sexuality was considered to be non-existent at the time. Any woman who exhibited preferences (of any kind) was considered to be unnatural or assuming a masculine role. Thus, the odd fixation on this particular subject was not funded on a mistrust of her personal preferences but rather making her appear abnormal, even disturbingly so.

It should be noted that the official list of charges confused "orgies" and "festivals" - it even uses them synonymously. The prosecutor referred to the fête held by the king and queen for the Swiss Guards in the mid-summer of 1789 during which the royal couple's health had been toasted. Despite it being before the march on Versailles of October, it was still considered treason that a tricolor rosette had been "trampled underfoot" - if that happened, that is.

Incest

Of all the accusations levelled against Marie Antoinette, the most vile was undoubtedly the one meant to dehumanise her the most: incest. She was accused of having sexually abused her own son, Louis Charles. The young boy, who had been removed from his mother, had even been used by his captors to incriminate his own mother. The story goes that his handler, a man by the name of Simon, caught the seven-year old masturbating and asked him who had taught him that. The little boy allegedly replied that his mother had; this led to a further interrogation during which the boy is supposed to have revealed a full violation committed by his mother who had sworn him to secrecy.

Louis Charles also implicated his aunt, Madame Élisabeth. He (allegedly) claimed that the two women had enjoyed watching him play with himself. It was the sole charge which Marie Antoinette did not reply to when interrogated. When pressured, she simply replied that she could not reply to a charge which nature itself found both impossible and abhorrent. She then applied to the women present in the courtroom who sided entirely with her - that was completely unexpected. The women present were not her friends; on the contrary, they would be cheering her execution a few days later. That alone goes to show that most realised this was a disturbing claim against a woman whose fate was already sealed.

And what of Louis Charles? For one, he was seven years old and had been separated from everyone he knew. His father had been executed, he had been literally torn from his mother's arms and he was not even allowed to see his sister. Considering the general mistreatment he suffered from his captors - which would eventually contribute to his death - it is far from unlikely that he either never made such accusations or did so because he was urged to do it. A child of seven cannot be said to understand the implications of what he was asked about; if there he did utter anything of the sort, it seems far more likely that he had finally found a subject which he would not be punished for talking about.

Several sources have pointed to the fact that Louis Charles was actively coached and encouraged by Hébert and his gaoler during this time.

What Happened to the Children of Madame de Montespan?

The reign of Madame de Montespan as the king's official mistress is widely celebrated as the golden age of the king's court. The union produced several children who would later be legitimised and - rather forcefully on behalf of the king - integrated into the families of the princes of the blood. The fate and disputes regarding these "bastards" (as Saint-Simon continuously called them) caused a headache which would plague the next generations as well.

While the lives of Madame de Montespan's children out of wedlock are well-known, she happened to have had two legitimate children by her husband: Marie Christine and Louis Antoine.

Marie Christine de Pardaillan de Gondrin was the first-born child of the newly married Madame de Montespan. Her birth - on 17 November 1663 - took place a little over nine months after her parents' wedding, so she much have been conceived fairly quickly. Due to her father's outrage at his wife's position as the king's mistress, Marie Christine and her brother was removed from court and taken to the country estates of the Marquis de Montespan. 

Very little is known of Marie Christine's life in the country; she likely received the usual rudimentary education reserved for young ladies of the nobility. She was present for the mock funeral which her husband hosted for her mother and also lived to see the annual memorials for her (still very much alive) mother. Exactly how much the young girl understood of her parents' situation is not clear as she does not appear to have left anything behind. If her father had envisioned a marriage for her those plans never materialised. Marie Christine died at an unknown date in 1675, at 11-12 years of age.

Louis Antoine was the only son and heir of the Marquis de Montespan who consequently focused his attention on him. He and Marie Christine both grew up at the Château de Bonnefort until he was old enough to embark on his military career. His father prevented him from seeing his mother for 13 years while she was the king's mistress. Consequently, he had little to no relationship with her prior to his presentation at court. By 1683, he had been presented at court and his father had bought a commission of lieutenant for him. 

At court, he quickly befriended his half-siblings including the two sons of Louis XIV by his mother: the Duc du Maine and the Comte de Toulouse. Yet, despite his best efforts, Louis XIV never warmed to him personally but the king did come to appreciate his professional talents. Perhaps the king was worried that Louis Antoine took after his father and would thus become a problem by his public demonstrations of outrage at the king's behaviour. He even entered the society of the king's only legitimate son, the Grand Dauphin, through his marriage to Julie Françoise de Crussol in 1686.

 

Louis Antoine

Ironically, Louis Antoine did not find royal favour until the death of his mother. It has been suggested that Louis XIV did not appreciate the presence of his former mistress' legitimate son as it brought back unpleasant memories of the fact that she had effectually had  to abandon her legitimate children for those the king himself had sired. Not only did he inherit several of the estates bestowed upon Madame de Montespan by the king. He used his natural aptitude for both management and diplomatic tact to eventually win over the king who gave him the post of head of his buildings department. He managed so well that the king even appointed him to the regency council that took over after the death of the king. 

Louis Antoine would eventually also be granted a ducal title. In 1711 he was officially made the Duc d'Antin. Following his mother's exit from the court in 1691, the two does not appear to have kept much in contact.

His marriage had resulted in two sons: Louis and Pierre. Louis inherited the title and lands of his father, as per law, while Pierre was handed over to the church. The Montespans being Catholics, Pierre was prohibited from having children but Louis did.

Having been married to Marie Victoire de Noailles who - oddly enough - also gave her husband two sons: Louis and Antoine. The same pattern took place with Louis inheriting the goods of the family; Antoine, however, died without marrying or fathering children - although he did not enter the church. The union between Louis and Françoise Gilonne de Montmorency could have ended the line. Four children were born to them, three being girls: Julie Sophie, Louis, Marie Françoise and Julie Magdaleine. Louis himself died at the age of 36 while his son, also Louis, died without having either married or having children.

As Julie Sophie became an abbess, the family only lived on in the female line. Marie Françoise married into the Durfort-family while Julie Magdaleine had the Duc d'Uzès. Interestingly, the current Duc d'Uzès is descended from her.  

Auctioning Off: the Grand Dauphin

Louis de Bourbon, sole surviving child of Louis XIV and Marie Thérèse was a superb collector. His private collection counted hundreds of absolutely exquisite objets d'art - his taste was impeccable and as the heir to the throne, he could expect the best of the best.

Sold by Sothesby's, this cask is attributed to Alexandre-Jean Oppenordt and date back to about 1690. Note the crowned dolphins on the sides alongside the coat-of-arms of the dauphin - these makes it almost certainly specifically made for the Grand Dauphin. Numerous L's further point to the provenance of Louis - although that particular name was hardly unusual.

The dark wood is inlaid with a variety of brass, horn and tortoiseshell. The materials were quite popular with Oppenordt who used them for several other projects.

Two years after moving permanently to Versailles, the Grand Dauphin had these two pedestals delivered to his apartment in the growing palace. Created by the famed master André-Charles Boulle, the style is quite similar to the casket above: dark background with tortoiseshell, horn, brass and gilded bronze. They further appear from the inventory of the crown prince's apartment in 1689.

These pedestals were intended to carry a collection of large bronzes gifted to Louis by his father, Louis XIV. After his death in 1711, these bronzes were made part of the royal collection. As such, they were moved to various other royal residences over the years, including those of Choisy and Meudon. They were even mentioned in the royal inventory of 1775.

A pair of flintlock pistols dated to 1688 and made by Bertrand Piraube who was a popular gunmaker for the king. Made from dark walnut wood inlaid with silver scrollwork, the pistols are adorned with the fleur-de-lys of France as well as the royal heir's personal coat-of-arms. When observed from above, the head of the war-god Mars can be seen.

This book contains the ballet "Le Triomphe de l'Amour" by Jean-Baptiste Lully who worked for Louis XIV. That very ballet was performed for the wedding between the Grand Dauphin and Marie Anne Christine Victoire of Bavaria in 1680 - this book was published the following year by Christophe Ballard. 

Bound in red, Moroccan leather, the book is stamped with the Grand Dauphin's personal coat-of-arms with each corner adorned by a golden fleur-de-lys. The book's spine is decorated with both these French lilies and the dolphins symbolising the dauphin himself. 

Gifted to the Grand Dauphin in 1681 by his royal father, Louis XIV, this bronze depicts Hecules Overcoming Achelöus by Tacca. It dates back to about 1640. This happened to be one figure amongst a collection which counted four more; the remaining three were also a part of the gift. After the Grand Dauphin's death in 1711, they were reabsorbed into the royal collection where they remained until the revolution.

Another figure which belonged to the Grand Dauphin was this version of the Rape of a Sabine which has been attributed to the Italian Antonio Susini. It was produced in Florence between 1590-1610 and appear in the inventory of the Grand Dauphin's collection at Versailles in 1689. From then, it appear again in the inventory of the Garde Meuble (royal furniture) of 1738.